Tag Archives: International Relations

Canada’s Trudeau Avoids Poking U.S. “Grizzly Bear”

A boy standing on a man's shoulders outside the Trump Tower, Vancouver, Canada, leads a chant at the Vancouver Women's March on January 21, 2017, to protest Donald Trump's inauguration. Photo Deborah Jones © 2017

A boy standing on a man’s shoulders outside the Trump Tower, Vancouver, Canada, leads a chant at the Vancouver Women’s March on January 21, 2017, to protest Donald Trump’s inauguration. Photo Deborah Jones © 2017

By David Ljunggren and Rod Nickel 
February, 2017

OTTAWA/WINNIPEG (Reuters) – Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is taking a low key approach to dealing with U.S. President Donald Trump, seeking to avoid clashes while indirectly signalling the two leaders’ differences to a domestic audience.

Insiders acknowledge the cautious strategy could anger progressives whose support helped bring Trudeau to power in 2015 but say for now, he has no choice but to hold fire: Canada sends 75 percent of its exports to the United States and could suffer if it is targeted by Trump.

“Why poke a grizzly bear while it’s having lunch? Trump has just got into office and he is formulating his economic plans,” said one senior political source.

While Trudeau’s close friendship with former President Barack Obama was often referred to as a “bromance” and “dude-plomacy,” Canadian prime ministers have not always had close ties with U.S. presidents.

Still, few in Ottawa have experienced anything like Trump, insiders said.

People hold signs outside the United States consulate during a protest against U.S. President Donald Trump's executive order travel ban in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, January 30, 2017. REUTERS/Chris Helgren

People hold signs outside the United States consulate during a protest against U.S. President Donald Trump’s executive order travel ban in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, January 30, 2017. REUTERS/Chris Helgren

“He is totally unpredictable,” said another government source.

Although Canada regards the United States as its closest ally, Trudeau has yet to visit Washington to see Trump.

A visit tentatively scheduled this week was cancelled after a shooter killed six Muslims in a Quebec mosque and no new date has been set, said two people familiar with the matter.

Michael Kergin, a former Canadian ambassador to Washington, said Trudeau’s caution was wise.

“He’s been playing it pretty well by restraining the temptation to be publicly critical of the president. At the same time, it’s a delicate balance,” said Kergin, now a senior adviser at law firm Bennett Jones.

Trudeau was also right not to follow British Prime Minister Theresa May in rushing to Washington to “gin up a special relationship,” only to watch Trump make an unpopular move on immigration after she left, Kergin said.

Trump labelled a refugee swap deal with Australia “dumb” on Thursday after a telephone call with Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull that the Washington Post reported was acrimonious. Turnbull kept any sparring behind closed doors.

Trudeau, however, has taken indirect shots. When Trump signed orders banning people from seven Muslim-majority states, Trudeau tweeted that Canada was open to those fleeing war.

His chief spokeswoman blasted U.S. network Fox News on Tuesday for a tweet falsely claiming the Quebec gunman was of Moroccan origin. But she said nothing publicly when Trump’s spokesman said the attack on Muslims showed why it was important to suspend immigration from Muslim nations.

This approach infuriates the opposition New Democrats, who have called on Trudeau to denounce Trump’s “racist” immigration policy.

Trudeau team members acknowledge that over time, Liberals could lose support before a 2019 election if the prime minister is deemed not to be standing up for Canadian values such as inclusiveness.

“That is a risk, but we’ll address it closer to the time,” said the first Ottawa insider.

Surveys show the Liberals have a healthy, but narrowing, advantage over their nearest rivals.

Pollster Nik Nanos of Nanos Research said it was too early for Trudeau to be aggressive.

“He has to avoid making any kind of criticism. Trump has a very thin skin and he’s quick to lash out,” he said.

Copyright Reuters 2017

(Writing by David Ljunggren; Editing by Alan Crosby)

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America’s Withering Dims Age of Enlightenment

Liberty Leading the People by Eugène Delacroix, 1830. Public domain.

Liberty Leading the People, Oil on canvas, Eugène Delacroix, 1830. Public domain.

JONATHAN MANTHORPE: International Affairs
October 22, 2016

Donald Trump will lose the United States presidential election in November, but the curse of Pandora is now out of the box and the age of the collapse of the American Imperium is upon us.

Trump did not create the dumb rage he represents. It was already festering in the gangrenous wing of the Republican Party that is so bone headed it has spent the last eight years making the administration of the U.S. dysfunctional, and will assuredly try to do the same during a Hillary Clinton presidency whether or not it retains control of Congress.

The cancer will only get worse and spread. The U.S. political system, as historian Francis Fukuyama eloquently set out in an essay in Foreign Affairs1 journal in 2014, is deeply flawed and always has been. The Founding Fathers were so fearful of creating a George III they designed a system where the checks always outweigh the balances.

Mother Nature always has a wonderful sense of irony, of course. So in their maniacal efforts to avoid George III, Americans have created George III in the shape of Donald Trump, or whichever mad demagogue succeeds him as the mouthpiece for Americans suffering from self-disenfranchisement. (Actually, George III appears to have been a rather pleasant man, unfairly besmirched by history.)

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America’s allies have already seen during the George W Bush and Barack Obama presidencies that Washington is no longer a predicable and dependable friend in a crisis. For all Obama’s attempts to turn a page after the disastrous junior Bush years, he has been caught in the headlights of the “war on terror” and unable to get out of the withering beam of that foolish concept. The decline of Washington as a reliable arbiter of world affairs will only get worse as the U.S. continues to wrestle with its inner demons.

When the British Empire approached its decline in the winter of 1918 after a century as the world’s pre-eminent super power, she was fortunate to have a blood cousin and fellow democracy in the U.S. to whom to pass the torch. As it confronts its own decline after its own century at the helm, modern America has no such luxury.

The looming powers come from beyond the North Atlantic basin of democratic culture and are dominated by fascist states China and Russia. For middle powers like Canada, the component parts of some of Europe, and others spread around Asia, Africa and Latin America that want to keep their democratic social, legal and political structures, the world is looking an increasingly threatening place.

Even membership of such groups of circled wagons like the European Union doesn’t seem to give sufficient confidence to defy the new fascism. On Friday efforts to intensify sanctions against Russia for its involvement in the bombing of the rebel-held parts of the Syrian city of Aleppo were watered down to nothing. Italy led the drive to avoid offending Russian President Vladimir Putin, with Spain, Austria and Greece hurrying to sign on to appeasement. Europe’s schism between those who want to censure Putin and those who want to avoid prodding the bear is now deep. Just how deep will be seen in January when the EU is due to renew sanctions against Moscow for its intervention in Ukraine and takeover of Crimea.

The collapse on Friday of the free trade talks between Canada and Europe because of fears in the southern Belgian region of Wallonia of cheap agricultural imports is a broader black mark against the future dependability of the EU. By giving its regions a veto over the trade deal, the EU gave up control over one of its critical central powers. It will be difficult to put that cat back in the bag.

There was a painfully farcical demonstration this week of what future relations with Russia and China may hold. The Philippines’ new president, Rodrigo Duterte — a phantasmagoric version of Donald Trump, if such a thing is imaginable – was in Beijing to pledge allegiance to the Chinese regime.

In a scene not witnessed in Beijing since vassal states came to perform the kow tow and bring tribute in return for gifts at the height of the Ching Empire in the early 1800s, Duterte announced: “In this venue, your honours, in this venue, I announce my separation from the United States. Both in military, not maybe in social, but economics also, America has lost.”

The message did not need driving home, but Duterte is never one to hold back when on a roll. “I’ve realigned myself in your ideological flow and maybe I will also go to Russia to talk to (President Vladimir) Putin and tell him that there are three of us against the world – China, the Philippines and Russia. It’s the only way.”

Duterte’s pilgrimage to kneel before the imperial throne of what is politely called “authoritarian capitalism” – fascism in plain language – may be the most theatrically outlandish seen thus far, but it is not the first. To one degree or another several other Asian countries, such as Cambodia and Laos, and many in Africa have already sworn fealty in return for Beijing’s gold.

The Beijing regime is very good at taking small and seemingly innocuous steps, which only months or years down the road pull into focus and suddenly show major changes in strategic and security geography. Witness Beijing’s salami slicing tactics in the South China Sea in the last 20 years. These are now resolving themselves into China’s domination of one of the world’s most important trade waterways and Beijing’s authority over the littoral states such as the Philippines.

Similarly, this week Chinese troops were on a joint exercise with 10,000 local soldiers in Tajikistan on the border with Afghanistan. This follows China’s participation in war games in Kyrgyzstan in September. Beijing is making itself an indispensable security partner in Central Asia, while being careful not to excite Moscow’s suspicions.

Small countries like the “Stans” of Central Asia and those in Southeast Asia have always been vulnerable. They have a history of seeking the protection of whomever is the regional alpha male of the moment and of making whatever cultural, political, economic and even territorial compromises are necessary in return for security.

As U.S. global authority declines, the danger is that Canada and other middle power democracies that have depended on Washington having their back will feel compelled to make the same kind of compromises with the rising fascist states.

Just look at the visit to Ottawa this week of a group of Chinese billionaires, headed by Ma Weihua, who immediately got access to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in order to try to get him to override British Columbia’s 15 per cent tax on foreign real estate speculators. The tax has been brought in to try to curb the pillaging of the Lower Mainland housing market by Chinese buyers, which has played a large part in putting the home ownership beyond the means of most local people.

If Ma’s China Entrepreneur Club were indeed a simple organization of successful business people one might be able to regard its access in Ottawa with equanimity. But anyone with eyes to see knows that these plutocrats are mere agents of the regime and have become rich through one form of corruption or another. Indeed, a new book by the noted China scholar, Minxin Pei, professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California, sets out the crass reality of “China’s Crony Capitalism.”

Pei delineates how, after the shock of the 1989 national uprising against the Communist Party, mistakenly minimised in the narrow western vision as “The Tiananmen Square Massacre,” the Communist Party sought to create stability and spark industrial development by allowing its friends and relatives to loot state assets. Corruption in modern China is not a result of lack of attention by the authorities; it is the very root and bone of how authority is administered in China by this regime.

Ma reported that in their meeting Trudeau “himself expressed very clearly to support the business collaborations in the two countries.” As well Trudeau might. The upper echelons of the Liberal party and its allies in business and academia have been targets of Beijing’s seductive dances since the 1960s. Now, a free trade agreement with China is high on the list of the Trudeau government’s objectives. The Beijing regime is using this as leverage for an extradition agreement so it can run down, threaten and capture its political enemies in Canada without having to resort, as is does now, to sending its secret agents here masquerading as tourists.

Trade between China and Canada now totals around $85 billion. But only around $20 billion of that is goods Canada sells to China, most of them commodities and natural resources of one sort or another. In return China sends to Canada about $65 billion-worth of manufactured goods, most of them of shoddy quality. But the profit margins for importers are so massive because of China’s cheap, indentured labour that another major import is income inequity and widening economic disparity in Canada, as it is in most other countries with which China does business.

A Canada-China free trade agreement will only exacerbate the already dangerously unbalanced and distorted pattern of trade. One of the dangerous fallacies in circulation is that free trade agreements between states can function in isolation. This is rubbish. For states to have satisfactory, comprehensive trade relationships they need also to have cultural, political, judicial and social compatibility. (After a troubling meeting this week with a group of graduate international business students and their instructors, I am more than ever convinced that business schools that do not teach the political and cultural context of international trade are dooming their students and this country to failure.)

Canada has no political, judicial or social meeting point with the current regime in China, and never will have. I had another telling moment this week talking to Canadian trade negotiators. The only justification they could put forward for seeking a free trade agreement with China was to try to create a forum to arbitrate the problems Canadian business people get into when doing business there. There’s a simple answer to that problem: politicians should stop encouraging Canadian businesses to risk their livelihoods in that thieves’ market. In reality, the only reason Canadian politicians lead trade missions to China is in the hope of winning approval at election time from the immigrant population. The economic benefits of these road shows are always marginal at best and disastrous at worst.

In his 2013 book “How We Lead: Canada in a Century of Change,” former Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Joe Clark set out an agenda for coping with life after the end of the American Imperium. Clark said that middle power democracies like Canada must gather together and cement their relationships if their values are to survive the assault from the regimes that are becoming dominant. He identifies three qualities that should identify partner nations for Canada. Those are:

  • “Nations that are forward-looking and outward-reaching, seeking seriously to embrace a changing world.
  • “Nations that are innovators or problem-solvers, at home and how they see the world.
  • “Nations whose wealth, or location, or cultural composition, or history equips them to understand and address these new sources of conflict.”

It’s a good litmus test and Clark goes on to list countries he thinks fit the template. The Nordic countries are obvious ones, and so are Canada’s blood relatives Australia and New Zealand. In the post-Brexit era Britain should also be added.

In Asia, Clark identifies Indonesia, which is rapidly emerging as one of the few Southeast Asian countries that has got right the transition from autocracy to democracy. He points also to South Korea, another of the few countries in the world that has successfully navigated the rough passage from military rule to a representative and accountable government.

Clark neglected Japan and he doesn’t mention Taiwan, which he should have done. Taiwan, like South Korea, is an outstanding example of successfully making the fraught transition to democracy from the military one-party state. Canada should be taking every opportunity to enhance trade and political relations with Taiwan. This would have too the highly desirable bonus of confronting the bullying and blackmail of Beijing, which claims to own the island nation and its 23 million people without significant historical or legal justification.

In Latin America, Clark identifies Mexico, with which Canada already has the strong link of the North American Free Trade Agreement. (In the unlikely event that Trump wins next month and junks NAFTA, as he promises, Canada and Mexico now have a strong enough relationship to go it alone.) The Canada-Mexico link is beginning to be a carriage for partnership in endeavours, such as peacekeeping, in other parts of Latin America.

In Africa, Clark identifies Ghana as a logical partner. Again, he is right. Ghana has had its ups and downs, but it has been more successful than most on the continent in overcoming the challenges of the post-colonial world and the potentially calamitous bonus of a massive oil and gas industry. Other African countries worth sticking with are Kenya and South Africa, which are also going to be hubs for regional development if they can keep on a positive track.

In the Middle East, Clark identifies two countries whose suitability in my view have been overtaken by events since he finished his manuscript. One is Qatar, which despite being a centre for education and innovation, has blotted its copy book mightily by giving financial aid and arms to terrorist Islamic groups. Clark’s other dubious Middle Eastern pick is Turkey, which since he wrote has tumbled towards becoming its own fascist mini-state under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

For the foreseeable future, the Middle East is a wasteland for Canada seeking like-minded partners. The exception is Israel, but Israel is soon going to have to decide whether it is a democracy or a religious state. Its future depends on the choice.

As events since Clark wrote show, no such list is ever complete or cast in stone. What ought to be consistent is a strong sense in Canada of our values, and our dedication to protecting and enhancing them with like-minded partners in what promises to be an increasingly challenging world.

Canada has good foundation relationships on which to build with all likely partner countries. What is needed is a clearer focus and recognition that playing footsie with fascist states like China is a fool’s game.

Copyright Jonathan Manthorpe 2016

Contact, including queries about syndication/republishing: jonathan.manthorpe@gmail.com

Link:

Francis Fukuyama, Foreign Affairs: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2014-08-18/america-decay

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Manthorpe B&WJonathan Manthorpe is a founding columnist with Facts and Opinions and is the author of the journal’s International Affairs column. He is the author of “Forbidden Nation: A History of Taiwan,” and has been a foreign correspondent and international affairs columnist for nearly 40 years. Manthorpe’s  nomadic career began in the late 1970s as European Bureau Chief for The Toronto Star, the job that took Ernest Hemingway to Europe in the 1920s. In the mid-1980s Manthorpe became European Correspondent for Southam News. In the following years Manthorpe was sent by Southam News, the internal news agency for Canada’s largest group of metropolitan daily newspapers, to be the correspondent in Africa and then Asia. Between postings Manthorpe spent a few years based in Ottawa focusing on intelligence and military affairs, and the United Nations. Since 1998 Manthorpe has been based in Vancouver, but has travelled frequently on assignment to Asia, Europe and Latin America.

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Nations Agree on Binding Pact to Cut Greenhouse Gases

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerrydelivers his keynote addres to promote U.S. climate and environmental goals, at the Meeting of the Parties to the Montreal Protocol on the elimination of hydro fluorocarbons (HFCs) use, held in Rwanda's capital Kigali, October 14, 2016. REUTERS/James Akena

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerrydelivers his keynote addres to promote U.S. climate and environmental goals, at the Meeting of the Parties to the Montreal Protocol on the elimination of hydro fluorocarbons (HFCs) use, held in Rwanda’s capital Kigali, October 14, 2016. REUTERS/James Akena

By Clement Uwiringiyimana
October 15, 2016

KIGALI (Reuters) – Nearly 200 nations have agreed a legally binding deal to cut back on greenhouse gases used in refrigerators and air conditioners, a major move against climate change that prompted loud cheers when it was announced on Saturday.

The deal, which includes the world’s two biggest economies, the United States and China, divides countries into three groups with different deadlines to reduce the use of factory-made hydrofluorocarbon (HFC) gases, which can be 10,000 times more powerful than carbon dioxide as greenhouse gases.

“While diplomacy is never easy, we can work together to leave our children a planet that is safer, more prosperous, more secure, and more free than the one that was left for us,” the White House said in a statement on the deal.

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U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said the deal was “a monumental step forward” as he left the talks in the Rwandan capital of Kigali late on Friday.

Under the pact, developed nations, including much of Europe and the United States, commit to reducing their use of the gases incrementally, starting with a 10 percent cut by 2019 and reaching 85 percent by 2036.

Many wealthier nations have already begun to reduce their use of HFCs.

Two groups of developing countries will freeze their use of the gases by either 2024 or 2028, and then gradually reduce their use. India, Iran, Iraq, Pakistan and the Gulf countries will meet the later deadline.

They refused the earlier date because they have fast-expanding middle classes who want air conditioning in their hot climates, and because India feared damaging its growing industries.

“Last year in Paris, we promised to keep the world safe from the worst effects of climate change. Today, we are following through on that promise,” said U.N. environment chief Erik Solheim in a statement, referring to 2015’s Paris climate talks.

GAINING MOMENTUM

The deal binding 197 nations crowns a wave of measures to help fight climate change this month. Last week, the 2015 Paris Agreement to curb climate-warming emissions passed its required threshold to enter into force after India, Canada and the European Parliament ratified it.

But unlike the Paris agreement, the Kigali deal is legally binding, has very specific timetables and has an agreement by rich countries to help poor countries adapt their technology.

A quick reduction of HFCs could be a major contribution to slowing climate change, avoiding perhaps 0.5 degrees Celsius (0.9 Fahrenheit) of a projected rise in average temperatures by 2100, scientists say.

Environmental groups had called for an ambitious agreement on cutting HFCs to limit the damage from the roughly 1.6 billion new air conditioning units expected to come on stream by 2050, reflecting increased demand from an expanding middle class in Asia, Latin America and Africa.

Benson Ireri, a senior policy adviser at aid group Christian Aid, said that all African countries had volunteered for the earlier deadline because they worried about global warming pushing more of their citizens into poverty.

“It was a shame that India and a handful of other countries chose a slower time frame for phasing down HFCs but the bulk of nations, including China, have seen the benefits of going for a quicker reduction. It’s also been encouraging to see small island states and African countries a part of this higher ambition group,” he said in a statement.

A scientific panel advising the signatories to the deal said phasing out HFCs will cost between $4 billion and $6 billion, said Manoj Kumar Singh, India’s joint secretary at the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change.

“The implementation starts from 2024 onwards so there is enough time to plan and mobilise finance,” he told Reuters.

Donors had already put $80 million in a fund to start implementing the agreement, said Gina McCarthy, administrator of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.

But Sergey Vasiliev, the head of the Russian delegation, said Russia’s estimates of the costs were higher and argued countries’ contributions to a multilateral fund to help poor countries adapt their technology should be voluntary.

The details of the funding will be finalised at a later meeting.

“We think it is more than $10 billion and some experts estimated up to $20 billion,” he told Reuters.

The HFC talks build on the 1987 Montreal Protocol, which succeeded in phasing out the use of chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), widely used at that time in refrigeration and aerosols.

The protocol contains provisions for noncompliance, ranging from the provision of technical and financial assistance to trade sanctions in ozone depleting substances, which will be widened to include HFCs.

The original aim of the Montreal Protocol was to stop the depletion of the ozone layer, which shields the planet from ultraviolet rays linked to skin cancer and other conditions.

That effort cost $3.5 billion over 25 years, said Stephen Olivier Andersen, the director of research at Washington-based think tank Institute for Governance and Sustainable Development. Scientists say it prevented 2 million cases of skin cancer.

Copyright Reuters 2016

(Additional reporting by Lesley Wroughton; Writing by Katharine Houreld; Editing by Jeremy Gaunt)

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Why Putin Fears a President Clinton

TOM REGAN: SUMMONING ORENDA
October 15, 2016

Vladimir Putin, official photo

Vladimir Putin, official photo

For all of his and his lackeys’ denials, there seems little doubt that the hacking of emails from the U.S. Democratic National Committee, and Clinton advisor John Podesta, was carried out by Russians under the orders of Russian President Vladimir Putin.

As if the US needed more evidence that Mr. Putin wants to sway the election in favor of Republican candidate Donald Trump, there is this week’s statement by a longtime Putin ally –  known for voicing radical opinions to test reactions for Putin – that if Trump is not elected, there will be nuclear war.

“Relations between Russia and the United States can’t get any worse. The only way they can get worse is if a war starts,” Vladimir Zhirinovsky told a reporter from Reuters in his office on the 10th floor of Russia’s State Duma, or lower house of parliament.

“Americans voting for a president on Nov. 8 must realize that they are voting for peace on Planet Earth if they vote for Trump. But if they vote for Hillary it’s war. It will be a short movie. There will be Hiroshimas and Nagasakis everywhere.”

To quote my grandfather, horse hockey.

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Yes, things are bad between the two countries at the moment, primarily over Syria and the Ukraine. The email hacking, and attempts to disrupt American voting systems, don’t help. But Putin is trying to take advantage of the space left by the end of one administration and the beginning of another to create as much chaos as he can. Creating chaos is the one thing he can do effectively, because the truth is that Russia is not the military power Putin boasts about, and he knows it.

So why work so hard to elect Trump? There are several theories.

  • Putin believes the Obama administration, and Clinton in particular, helped orchestrate the protests against him during the 2011 Russian presidential elections, and going after Clinton is pay back.
  • There is  the statement Clinton made in the early 2000s about Putin. When then-President George W. Bush said he looked into the eyes of Putin and saw his soul, then-Senator Clinton said that was impossible because Putin, a former KGB agent, didn’t have a soul. Like Trump, Putin never forgets a slight.
  • Another strategy being suggested is that Putin knows Trump can be easily handled. A little flattery here and there, and Putin could get most of what he wants from Trump.

But I believe there is another reason that Putin wants Trump to win. He’s terrified of Clinton.

Clinton has shown little inclination to buy into the PR machine that is the ego of Vladimir Putin, such as his bare-chested bear-fighting calendars and his scoring multiple goals while playing against seasoned Russian hockey stars. It’s easy to see that Clinton sees it all for the baloney that it is. Clinton is also not some newbie on the world stage. As secretary of state, she has clashed with Putin before and has a much better measure of him than does Trump, who barely takes time to learn about anything that is not about him.

No doubt the idea was that by giving hacked emails to WikiLeaks and its founder Julian Assange, who hates Clinton for entirely different reasons, the Russians would help kill Clinton’s candidacy. But Putin didn’t count on two things.

First, the emails are not all that damaging. They are more the “inside’ baseball of the Clinton campaign. Time magazine’s Joe Klein, no friend of the Clintons and author of  the book Primary Colors, a fictionalized account of her husband Bill’s presidential campaign, said the mail shows her to be, well, a normal politician, which he wrote was “reassuring in this crazy election.”

A Washington Post editorial (and remember the Post’s opinion and editorial section is moderately conservative) wrote that the leaked emails showed her to be (gasp!) “reasonable.”

But even Putin could not know that Donald Trump’s past indiscretions and alleged sexual assaults would blow up to swamp coverage of every other issue. Even if the leaks had been truly bad for the Clinton campaign, it is doubtful that most people, other than Trump’s true believers, paid any solid attention. As each new woman comes forward to allege that Trump sexually assaulted her, the hacked emails retreat farther and farther into the background noise of the campaign.

In the end, Putin will have to deal with Clinton. And it’s my guess that after all he’s done to do in her candidacy, she won’t be in a mood to fool around with Russia.

Clinton won’t be stupid – her advocacy of a no-fly zone in Syria was done more to spook Putin than to actually institute one – but she will be tough. Putin will have to face the fact that he won’t get want he wants as easily as he thought he could.

 

Copyright Tom Regan 2016

Contact Tom Regan:  motnager@gmail.com

LINKS

US finds growing evidence Russia feeding emails to WikiLeaks
http://www.cnn.com/2016/10/13/politics/russia-us-election/

Why the Russian Hacks of Hillary Clinton’s Campaign Should Reassure Us All
Why the Russian Hacks of Hillary Clinton’s Campaign Should Reassure Us All

Vladimir Putin’s Bad Blood With Hillary Clinton
Vladimir Putin’s Bad Blood With Hillary Clinton

Scandal! WikiLeaks reveals Hillary Clinton to be . . . reasonable
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/scandal-wikileaks-reveals-hillary-clinton-to-be–reasonable/2016/10/10/bbad509c-8f19-11e6-9c52-0b10449e33c4_story.html?utm_term=.7668018fbcc8

 

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Tom Regan Tom Regan has worked for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and with the National Film Board in Canada, and in the United States for the Christian Science Monitor, Boston Globe, and National Public Radio. A former executive director of the Online News Association in the U.S., he was a Nieman fellow at Harvard in 1991-92. He is based near Washington, D.C.

Return to Tom Regan’s page 

 

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